Politico: Trump goes to war with corporate America

Trump’s approach has created a high-stakes showdown without recent political precedent: A Republican president betting that his populist approach to trade will thrill his working-class base and blow away any short-term economic fallout or reduced political support from the nation’s largest business organizations. His message to corporate America so far: I don’t care what you say, my base is with me. [...]

Trump and some of his senior advisers are banking on the idea that while corporate America may hate his trade policies, rank-and-file workers who make up the president’s base will embrace them. And they believe new domestic manufacturing jobs will eventually pay political dividends that will swamp any market dislocations. [...]

“To the extent that more and more companies come out with these kinds of negative announcements, particularly at the local level, that will start to create political pressure on the White House,” said Scott Lincicome, a trade lawyer and adjunct scholar at the libertarian Cato Institute. “One of the things I’ve noticed is how many small companies that rely on steel or aluminum or count on the Canadian export market have come out with stories about getting hurt. That could actually penetrate.” [...]

Most of those groups steadfastly opposed to Trump’s tariffs are careful to note that they support many of the administration’s goals on trade, if not their tactics. On the autos probe, the United Automobile Workers union and United Steelworkers both offered general support for the investigation, but not for blanket tariffs. UAW, for example, called for “targeted measures” to help the auto sectors but warned that any “rash actions” could lead to unintended consequences like mass layoffs.

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Deutsche Welle: Opinion: Angela Merkel finds salvage in Fortress Europe

These last two weeks have been about far more than determining the chancellor's fate. They have been a bitter struggle over the fundamental direction of European refugee policy. And the forces that have been backing closure of the borders have won. These are politicians who want to prevent people from making the life-threatening journey across the Mediterranean in the first place.  [...]

This puts an end to the acute crisis. However, no real answer to the challenges has been found — let's not kid ourselves. After all, in which North African countries should the reception camps be built? The reactions so far have been predominantly hostile. And with which countries can you do business if you want to preserve human rights at the very minimum? And who will take care of refugees if they are prevented from moving on? The latest pictures from Algeria show what can happen. Thousands were literally sent to the desert, including children and pregnant women, where at almost 50 degrees Celsius (122 Fahrenheit) in the shade they died miserably, of thirst and starvation. Countries like Lebanon are already taking in more refugees than the whole of Europe put together. This is also part of the truth of a European policy of isolation.

There are also currently more questions than answers within Europe. Here, too, it is uncertain in which country camps are to be built. Which governments are really prepared, in the end, to lighten the burden carried by Italy and Greece, those countries with the longest external borders and, correspondingly, the highest number of refugee arrivals? This quick agreement between the Christian Democrats (CDU) and the Christian Social Union (CSU) was only possible because everything remained vague. The only thing that can be implemented quickly is to strengthen border management. There are lucrative times ahead for the European Border and Coast Guard Agency, Frontex, and for fence-building companies.

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CityLab: Understanding the Architecture of the Moscow Metro

The first order of construction was primarily designed in a Soviet version of Art Deco, with some remains of avant-garde forms. Parts of the second and third orders, which opened in 1938 and 1943, are like this as well. Stations built from that point until the end of the 1950s can be described as Neoclassical with Empire-style motifs , usually for post-war projects treated as war memorials. These make up a little less than a quarter of the total stations in the system, but they are the most visited ones in the center and main line interchanges. Only 44 of total 214 stations are listed as historical monuments, including a few from the ‘50s and nothing since. [...]

Since the 1960s, Metro construction has been nearly as important for the economy and for transit planning, but it’s not nearly as ideological. Decisions are made in the Moscow City Department of Urban Planning and Architecture. Some technical questions, like integration with other transit systems, are done through the Department of Transport. [...]

For today’s typical Metro user, the modern stations prevail as the standard image of the system. But except for few recent ones made with monumental mosaics or clever forms, these stations aren’t perceived as architecture at all. The historical stations, however, still play a very special role in the city’s image, like its Stalin-era skyscrapers and pre-Revolution tenements, churches, and mansions.

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IFLScience: Study Finds Correlation Between Trump Support And Opioid Use, But The Reasons Are Complex

In JAMA Network Open, Goodwin confirms the correlation is real, at least for a sample mostly aged over 65. In the 693 counties with opioid prescriptions well above the national average, Trump scored almost 60 percent of the vote, compared to less than 39 percent in the 638 counties with rates significantly below average. A weaker, but still substantial, correlation was found between opioid use and voting for Republican congressional candidates. There was virtually no correlation, however, between presidential vote and insulin prescription, indicating the relationship is not about medical service. [...]

High unemployment, rural status, and education were all predictive of both opioid use and Trump voting. As to the other third of the relationship, Goodwin speculated to NPR the destruction of community opioid over-prescription induces may have driven a desperation for change. "That can lead to a sense of despair. You want something different. You want radical change."

Just last week, a study found the opioid crisis is only one facet of what has been dubbed “deaths of despair” including suicide and alcohol-related deaths. Perhaps voting for Trump is another symptom of this lack of hope, a theory supported by previous studies showing swings from Romney to Trump were highest where life expectancy has fallen. However, where taking drugs to numb the pain is self-destructive, the consequences of a presidential vote has the capacity to cause far wider pain.

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The Conversation: The science of superstition – and why people believe in the unbelievable

The number 13, black cats, breaking mirrors, or walking under ladders, may all be things you actively avoid—if you’re anything like the 25% of people in the US who consider themselves superstitious. [...]

For many people, engaging with superstitious behaviors provides a sense of control and reduces anxiety—which is why levels of superstition increase at times of stress and angst. This is particularly the case during times of economic crisis and social uncertainty—notably wars and conflicts. Indeed, researchers have observed how in Germany between 1918 and 1940 measures of economic threat correlated directly with measures of superstition.

Superstitious beliefs have been shown to help promote a positive mental attitude. Although they can lead to irrational decisions, such as trusting in the merits of good luck and destiny rather than sound decision making.

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