6 July 2016

Independent: As a Foreign Office Minister, I voted for the invasion of Iraq. I am still trying to understand my failure

The whole world agrees that Iraq, in Talleyrand’s words, was worse than a crime – it was a mistake. The oddest consequence was that, having seen the failure of Iraq, the British state went and made exactly the same blunder in Libya. Nicolas Sarkozy is not George W Bush (more a Napoleon III than the original), but twice in less than a decade a British prime minister tucked in behind a dubious ally and joined in the destruction of a Middle East state with disastrous consequences. [...]

There was no UN authorisation but the military pressure worked and Milosevic withdrew from Kosovo and the people there no longer faced the fear of a new Srebrenica. Soon after Blair’s triumphant re-election in May 2001 came 9/11 and the desire from Washington to hit out and punish someone, anyone for the biggest attack on US territory with more Americans killed than at Pearl Harbour. [...]

We all know that assessment and what followed was disastrously wrong. But all I can report from being in the heart of government at the time was that no official or adviser or “expert” challenged the right of Britain to intervene and protect Kurds and others in Iraq who faced oppression and worse from Saddam.

The fault in the end was Blair’s, as the fault to destroy Libya or send 500 British soldiers to unnecessary deaths in Afghanistan 2010-2015 is Cameron’s. Prime Ministers have the ultimate Yes or No decision and must live with the consequences.

The Guardian: Chilcot delivers crushing verdict on Blair and the Iraq war

The report suggests that Blair’s self-belief was a major factor in the decision to go to war. In a section headed Lessons, Chilcot writes: “When the potential for military action arises, the government should not commit to a firm political objective before it is clear it can be achieved. Regular reassessment is essential.”

The report also bitterly criticises the way in which Blair made the case for Britain to go to war. It says the notorious dossier presented in September 2002 by Blair to the House of Commons did not support his claim that Iraq had a growing programme of chemical and biological weapons. [...]

According to Chilcot, Blair shaped his diplomatic strategy around the need to get rid of Saddam which – he told Bush – was the “right thing to do”. Blair suggested that the simplest way to come up with a casus belli was to give an ultimatum to Iraq to disarm, preferably backed by UN authority.

Chilcot rejects Blair’s view that spurning the US-led military alliance against Iraq would have done major damage to London’s relations with Washington. “It’s questionable it would have broken the partnership,” he writes, noting that the two sides had taken different views on other major issues including the Suez crisis, the Vietnam war and the Falklands.

Salon: Elie Wiesel’s two sides: The Holocaust survivor gave voice to Jewish victims while ignoring others’ suffering

While Wiesel leveraged his literary talents to win sympathy for Jewish victims of genocide, he sought to limit the narratives of other groups subjected to industrial-level extermination. As a member of the advisory council of the U.S. Holocaust Memorial Museum in 1992, he lobbied against recognizing LGBTQ and Roma victims of the Holocaust. A decade earlier, when the Israeli Foreign Ministry demanded Wiesel exclude Armenian scholars from a conference on genocide fearing damage to the country’s relations with Turkey, he resigned from his position as chair rather than defend the scholars. (It was not until 2008 that Wiesel called the massacre of Armenians by Ottoman forces a genocide.) [...]

By popularizing an understanding of the Holocaust as a unique event that existed outside of history, Wiesel helped cast Jews as history’s ultimate victims. In turn, he fueled support for the walled-in Spartan state that was supposed to represent their deliverance, and defended everything it said it had to do for their security. “My loyalty to my people, to our people, and to Israel comes first and prevents me from saying anything critical of Israel outside Israel,” Wiesel wrote.

In the face of increasingly unspeakable crimes against Palestinians, Wiesel counseled silence. “I must identify with whatever Israel does — even with her errors,” he declared. [...]

With Wiesel gone, his most zealous defenders have set out to destroy those who embraced the message he espoused in his Nobel Prize acceptance speech, but which he ultimately failed to uphold: “Silence encourages the tormentor, never the tormented. Sometimes we must interfere. When human lives are endangered, when human dignity is in jeopardy, national borders and sensitivities become irrelevant.”

The Huffington Post: Why Legal Equality For LGBT People Isn't Enough

It’s hard to believe that all of these legal changes happened since the turn of the millennium. It’s perfectly acceptable for us to step back and take a moment to acknowledge the distance we’ve travelled, but to become complacent, as many already have, is a huge mistake.

In 2015, Stonewall (the UK’s biggest LGBT equality charity) published their Unhealthy Attitudes report. Based on research carried out by YouGov, it found that one in ten staff directly involved in patient care in the health and social care sector had ‘witnessed colleagues express the belief that someone can be ‘cured’ of being lesbian, gay or bisexual’. The same report found that 25 percent of all staff questioned had never received any training on equality and diversity. It’s important for patients to feel comfortable when talking to care providers and sometimes that means having to be open about our sexual orientation and gender identity. [...]

In research carried out by YouGov for Stonewall in 2014, 56 percent of primary school teachers said that they hadn’t addressed different families in ways that include same-sex parents in the classroom. 36 percent of secondary school teachers had heard homophobic language, or negative remarks about lesbian, gay and bi people, from other staff members.

The Los Angeles Review of Books: Is There Life After Capitalism?

In the wake of 2008, the possibility that capitalism may be in a permanent decline has started to become acceptable in mainstream economics. But the solutions proposed to address this situation amount to a kind of miserable, eternal life support: Thomas Piketty, for instance, imagines a global tax on wealth as a stay against the stagnation caused by otherwise unsustainable wealth inequality. Larry Summers, meanwhile, advocates engineering increased consumer demand as a way to prolong capital’s old age.

The English journalist Paul Mason’s recent book, Postcapitalism: A Guide to Our Future, by contrast, dares to imagine where we might go from here. Postcapitalism is built around two basic propositions about how capitalism works. First, Mason suggests, the history of capitalism is best understood as a history of adaptive mutations in which capitalist classes, faced with falling rates of profit, keep finding ways to buoy them back up, if only for a while. “There is,” he claims, “no final crisis of capitalism”. [...]

For Mason, in other words, capitalism’s own dynamism — its drive to require less labor — is its Achilles heel, since machines, unlike laborers, are impossible to exploit. They can be worn down, but never underpaid. Mason is aware of the material support required by an information infrastructure — he notes the “acres of air-conditioned server farm space” needed to keep it running — but he is insistent that this is secondary to the rise of information, which he views almost as if it were an evolutionary leap: “The real wonder of information is […] that it eradicates the need for labour on an incalculable scale.” [...]

Despite the vividness of this picture, however, all Mason has to offer as a counterweight is the sheer creativity of young people who “will no longer accept” such futures. He describes the social forces that will drive this youthful, non-class-based rebellion as a “granular, spontaneous micro-process, not a plan.” Postcapitalism is an extraordinary achievement of storytelling, fine-grained and schematic with equal success, critical of early 20th-century Marxism while insisting on the contemporary urgency of Marx’s thought, persuasive in its passion and its intellectual clarity alike. But it founders around the question of the power of education and technology to lead us past the horrors of 20th-century capitalism. On the one hand, Mason knows all too well that post-capitalist stories appeal to a mass readership because they erase or downplay the terrible struggles that have given us the technologies we prize. On the other hand, the concrete suggestions he makes in the book’s final chapter — a universal basic income, nationalizing banks, regulating finance — all leave untouched the problem that what counts as “money” under capital is produced by exploitation. The histories of social struggle Mason is so good at narrating disappear in these bland policy recommendations.

Deutsche Welle: Commentary: More democracy, less room for debate on CETA?

In light of the attacks, European Commission President Jean-Claude had to back down and allow national parliaments to participate in the ratification of CETA. The Greens in the European Parliament immediately applauded the decision. They called it a "victory for civil society and for European democracy." In principle they are correct, for it is no doubt more democratic when all 28 parliaments in the EU can now pore over the fine print of the trade agreement.

It is also clear that this draft agreement - just like TTIP (Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership) - bears the birth defect of having been negotiated in secret over the course of several years. That is exactly the kind of opacity that Europe is always accused of. Thus, member states' parliaments will now be retroactively invited to participate. With that, a years-long wrangling will begin, because the trade portion of the agreement goes into effect as soon as it is ratified by the European Parliament. However, those portions that affect national responsibilities will be overlaid with change requests from individual member states. That process went on for more than four years in the trade agreement between the EU and South Korea. [...]

Opponents of the treaty and those critical of aspects such as investor protection and arbitration courts contained within it will be especially happy. But how justified is the enthusiasm about this "victory for democracy"? Decision-making processes within the EU will become slower, and the Commission will be more or less unable to act. On the one hand, the EU is supposed to provide more economic growth and create jobs, but on the other hand - and in this political climate - it will be unable to push through the market liberalization that has, to date, been the best method for accomplishing just that.

The Atlantic: The Conservative, Christian Case for Working Women

Katelyn Beaty—the managing editor of Christianity Today, America’s largest evangelical Christian publication—has set out to change this notion of gender. Her new book, A Woman’s Place, claims to reveal “the surprising truth about why God intends every woman to work.” This declaration may surprise many of her magazine’s 80,000 print subscribers and 5 million monthly website visitors. And it may also rouse many of her fellow evangelicals who believe her ideas defy the Bible’s clear teaching, if not qualifying as outright heresy. While Beaty knows criticism may be coming her way, she is making a conservative Christian case for working women. [...]

In meetings with Christian men outside of the company, she often feels invisible. Sometimes it is as subtle as the way someone establishes eye contact; other times, she is blatantly ignored by her male peers. Beaty recalls attending a recent gathering with other Christian leaders in Kentucky where she was the only woman representing the evangelical viewpoint. As she and several male leaders stood in a circle chatting, another man entered the room and aggressively shook every attendee’s hand—except hers. The man didn’t even look at her. [...]

Among the non-religious and those from more progressive faith traditions, the most surprising thing about this statement may be that anyone would consider it radical. But Beaty is making a bold claim, at least in some circles: She argues not just that God permits some women to work, but that God intends every woman to work. Her theology of work is connected to her beliefs about cultural impact.

The Guardian: Brexit can be started without parliament vote, government lawyers say

Cabinet minister Oliver Letwin, who is heading Whitehall’s Brexit unit to prepare the way for negotiations, said the legal advice was that article 50 of the Lisbon treaty can be invoked under the royal prerogative, which does not require parliamentary approval. Article 50 is the clause that triggers the start of a negotiation to leave the EU.

There was growing speculation at Westminster that a new Conservative administration might not want to trigger the article until the end of next year due to the political vacuum created in the EU by the French and German national elections next year. Ministers might not wish to use up the valuable two-year negotiating time if they did not know the political context in which they would be negotiating for a year. [...]

At a separate hearing of the Treasury select committee, leading constitutional lawyers revealed that the French government legal service has informed the French government that the UK would be entitled to rescind a notice to withdraw even though it had invoked article 50. [...]

Such flexibility would mean that even if it was triggered, the UK could reverse a decision to withdraw, if either parliament or a second referendum endorsed the step.

VICE: The Forgotten Story of How Scottish Train Drivers Tried to Derail the Iraq War

The Ministry of Defence contracted freight firm EWS, which was privatised in the mid-90s, to take supplied to the Highlands munitions base by rail. But when the order came through to the EWS depot in Motherwell, the drivers were having none of it. Fully aware that provisions were being made for a war that was still to be sanctioned by the UN (and ultimately never was), and with the tacit backing of rail union ASLEF, the drivers refused to shift the materials. [...]

Far from passing into history or legend, the story has rarely been mentioned since – lost in the build-up to the massive marches that happened a month later. Even at the time, little fuss was made over it, although Labour MP John McDonnell – now an embattled shadow chancellor, but then an anti-war backbench rebel – sponsored a parliamentary motion applauding the "courageous and principled action" by the drivers. Among the 24 other signatories was current Labour leader Jeremy Corbyn. "This House... believes that the right to conscientious objection extends to all British citizens who refuse to participate or contribute to this threatened war," the short statement concludes. [...]

In the early 1970s, just a few miles from Motherwell, the employees at a Rolls Royce plant in East Kilbride refused to carry out repairs on warplanes belonging to the Chilean air force. They opted to leave the engines rusting outside the factory rather than return them to Pinochet's right-wing dictatorship which had recently seized power. Their act of solidarity is fondly remembered in both Scotland and Chile to this day, and is soon set to be the subject of a feature-length documentary.