Haaretz: For Once, Netanyahu Is Rooting for Iranian President Rohani

Netanyahu tried hard to convince the world that Rohani was just a more user-friendly face for the same radical regime, calling him a “wolf in sheep’s clothing.” But the international community was eager to engage with Iran and was simply relieved to be facing Rohani and his silver-tongued foreign minister, Mohammad Javad Zarif. Yet now, after trying to brand Rohani and his circle as an integral part of the regime, no different or better than the Islamic Revolutionary Guards Corps (IRGC), Netanyahu – at least in private – has got to be rooting for Rohani.

Over the last few days, Israel has been running a concerted campaign against Iran’s alleged plan to manufacture and upgrade missiles on Lebanese soil. It began on Sunday with a highly irregular article, written by IDF Spokesman Brig. Gen. Ronen Manelis and published on Lebanese opposition websites, claiming that “Lebanon is turning into one big missile factory. ... Iran and Hezbollah are currently trying to build a precision missile factory.” It continued on Monday with Defense Minister Avigdor Lieberman warning in the Knesset that “we know the sites for building and upgrading missiles in Lebanon, and we know the people who are involved in the manufacture.” [...]

Now, thanks to Lieberman, the threat level has become personal, with Israel basically saying that if it so chooses, it can assassinate Iranians involved in missile production. And Netanyahu has upped the stakes, saying that if necessary Israel will attack. Lieberman, however, admitted that the last thing he wants “is to get into a third Lebanon war.” And here at least he was telling the truth: Neither him nor Netanyahu believe it would be in Israel’s interest to embark on another all-out war to dislodge Hezbollah, which is why they are pinning their hopes on Rohani. 

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Haaretz: 'The King Is Not God, He Is Sometimes Wrong': Six Years Late, the Arab Spring Rattles Morocco

Similar to Tunisia and Egypt, where the spark of revolution exploded because of the deaths of two young people, Mohamed Bouazizi in Tunisia and Khaled Mohamed Saeed in Egypt, Morocco, which avoided a revolution, is now seething. Since October, when parliamentary elections were held, Morocco has not been quiet. [...]

Social networks, as usual, were the first to get the political struggle going. Demonstrations spread to other cities, and in this usually calm country the military arrested hundreds of protesters. Meanwhile, journalists were prohibited from covering the events, and any reporters who attended the protests were arrested and sometimes beaten. Last month, as the protests grew stronger, someone was seriously injured during a protest and died this week. [...]

The residents of the Rif, most of whom are Berbers, have seen major improvements in their cultural rights during the king’s rule, but they’re still discriminated against economically, and the king’s speech was a disappointment for them. Not only were the inspectors responsible for Fikri’s death sentenced to prison terms of only a few months, the development promises were left empty. The government allotted 650 million euros to the region, but after the king ordered a look into why the funds had not been used, the people realized that the severe bureaucratic corruption they knew so well was still plaguing them. [...]

In any case, the government is now divided into two factions: one that supports a suppression of the uprising, the other in favor of dialogue with the demonstrators, who have increased their demands and want to negotiate directly with the king, not with the new prime minister, Saadeddine Othmani. [...]

The shock waves hitting Morocco worry not only the king, but also other Middle Eastern countries – and especially those that have skirted the Arab Spring like the Gulf states. Six years ago, Saudi Arabia, the United Arab Emirates and Qatar all financed Mohammed in a bid to prevent the revolutions from spreading to Morocco. The king then instituted constitutional reforms including a reduction of his powers; he also lifted his authority to dissolve parliament and gave more power to the government.

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Jacobin Magazine: Morocco’s Burgeoning Resistance

On Friday, October 28, police killed Mohasin Fikri. The now-standard press story explains that the officers put Fikri’s fish in the back of a garbage truck after he refused to bribe them; Fikri tried to retrieve his catch, and both he and the fish were crushed. The other version — which Rifian activists say is more credible — has it that Fikri got in the truck first, as if to say, “This is my livelihood; you must go through me.” [...]

Protests began immediately in al-Hoceima, and the day after, twenty thousand people joined the funeral march to Fikri’s hometown Imzouren. The day after, protests broke out in every major city across the country. Fikri’s horrible death was taken as a symbol of the regime’s abuse — its corruption, violence, and lack of accountability — and brought people into the streets. [...]

That month saw a rash of protests and rallies in al-Hoceima: women led a massive demonstration on International Women’s Day; on May 18, the largest demonstration yet took place, and less than two weeks later, Popular Movement activist Nasser al-Zafzafi interrupted the imam of the largest mosque in town, asking, “Are these mosques of God, or of the Makhzan?” [...]

The king serves as the official Commander of the Faithful, and the Makhzan uses the church for politicking in the most direct sense: according to Le Desk, Minister for Islamic Affairs Ahmed Taoufik “demanded of imams in the al-Hoceima province, all of whom get their salaries from the ministry, to deliver a sermon reproaching the young rebels for promoting fitna, or division among Muslims.” [...]

The group’s female leadership has also increased the movement’s reach. Ziani has become one of the more prominent figures, and prison has only increased her fame. After al-Zafzafi’s arrest, the anti-cancer activist Nawal Ben Aissa became the movement’s recognized leader until her own arrest.

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